Separe os nomes com vírgulas.
Tópico em 'Off-Topic' iniciado por José M. Sousa 29 Ago 2008 às 20:19.
esta é a realidade dos sindicalistas ( sindicalistas a sério) na Colômbia (aquilo que é um dado adquirido na Europa há muitas décadas, como resultado de muito sangue derramado no século XIX, como o direito a férias pagas, assistência na doença, etc., etc., ainda não o é em muitas partes do mundo):
Help Protect our Activist Colleagues in Colombia
from Death Squad Violence
Tens of thousands of Colombians marched on March 6 in Bogota (See Sara Koopman's photos: http://picasaweb.google.com/sarakoopman/M6Marcha) and many other cities to stand with the victims of right-wing paramilitary violence and to protest violence by all armed groups. Solidarity events occurred in New York, Washington, and San Francisco.
Now, in the wake of accusations by a presidential advisor that the activists in Colombia who helped organize these peaceful marches are guerrillas, they are being targeted with paramilitary threats, kidnappings, and even killings.
Lethal attacks on Colombian labor activists also continue. On March 4 in Washington, President Bush called on Congress to approve the Free Trade Agreement with Colombia, although Colombia is the most dangerous nation in the world to be a trade unionist. As if in response, in the four days following his statement, four labor leaders in Colombia were murdered.
It is crucial that we act to detain the US-supported Colombian government from its threats to nonviolent activists. Please call your member of Congress today and urge her or him to sign a letter to President Uribe and to oppose the anti-labor Free Trade Agreement.
In the days leading up to March 6, José Obdulio Gaviria, a close advisor to President Uribe, went on national radio to suggest that the March 6th rally was "convened by the FARC." In the days after the march, dozens of organizations, including Peace Brigades International, received emails informing them they were military objectives of the paramilitary group "Black Eagles." In a downtown Bogota hotel, masked men broke into a conference organized by a known human rights group and kidnapped two men at gunpoint, threatened them, and left them on the sidewalk. Several march organizers around the country were threatened, and at least two were killed.
President Bush says passage of the Free Trade Agreement with Colombia is a matter of US national security, and plans to submit the bill in the coming month despite the opposition of every labor federation in Colombia and the US, indigenous people, Afro-Colombians, the major Colombian opposition party, Democratic Party leaders and human rights organizations. The FTA is more likely to generate displacement than security, just as NAFTA is estimated to have led millions of Mexican farmers going under because the market was flooded with US-subsidized grains. For background, see the the excellent resource produced by the American Friends Service Committee, "Violent Intersections of Commerce and Conflict." (http://www.tradeandwar.org/connections.html)
Representatives Jim McGovern (D-MA) and Jan Schakowsky (D-IL) are circulating a "dear colleague" letter (http://www.forcolombia.org/sites/www.forcolombia.org/files/McGovern_Schakowsky_Threats.pdf) to President Uribe. The letter calls on the Colombian government to fully investigate these threats and murders and to bring those responsible to justice. The letter also urges President Uribe to take concrete actions to ensure government officials stop making comments that put the lives of human rights defenders at risk.
Please contact your Members of Congress and urge them to:
1. Support McGovern-Schakowsky Letter on Recent Wave of Threats and Killings in Colombia, and
2. Oppose the Colombia Free Trade Agreement that President Bush is pushing onto Congress
Call your member of Congress today! Simply dial the Capitol Switchboard 202-224-3121 to be connected to their office and ask to speak to their foreign policy aide. Urge them to oppose the Colombia FTA and sign on to the McGovern-Schakowsky letter on Colombia.
If your member of Congress is interested in signing on, they should contact Cindy Buhl in Rep. McGovern's office, or Megan Garcia in Rep. Schakowsky's office, by close of business on Thursday, April 10. As the administration seeks more aid for war and approval of the U.S.-Colombia free trade agreement, we have to demand our elected officials take human rights seriously.
FOR joined with twenty-three other groups to send a strong letter to President Uribe also urging him to publicly disavow his advisor's comments and to express support for the legitimate efforts of human rights defenders. You can read the letter here. (http://www.forcolombia.org/sites/www.forcolombia.org/files/JointNGOlettertoUribe.pdf) Let's continue to work together to ensure our Colombian partners who speak out and work for human rights are neither threatened nor harmed.
Quem quiser conhecer por dentro a realidade de países da América Latina como a Bolívia, Nicarágua, Venezuela, Paraguai, etc., pode contactar esta ONG norte-americana: http://www.mitfamericas.org/Info.htm
Corte deja a Wal-Mart sin su “tienda de raya”
Daba sueldos con vales sólo para sus cajas
Tribunal mexicano condena Wal-Mart por "práticas do século XIX"
A cadeia de supermercados Wal-Mart pagava parte do salário dos seus trabalhadores no México em vales de compras na própria loja. Agora, o Supremo Tribunal mexicano deu razão aos trabalhadores, considerando inconstitucional aquela prática da empresa.
Os juízes consideraram que a empresa se comportou como os patrões do século XIX, que obrigavam os seus trabalhadores a consumir nas suas lojas e armazéns, pagando-os a um preço mais caro". Este sistema foi abolido pela Constituição mexicana de 1917 e o tribunal diz que o esquema é semelhante ao que a cadeia Wal-Mart praticava nos dias de hoje.
Esta cadeia de comércio é conhecida por praticar a concorrência agressiva de preços, condenando ao encerramento boa parte do comércio local nas zonas onde se instala. Mas também costuma ser notícia no que respeita aos direitos dos trabalhadores, tendo já sido condenada nos EUA por recusar as pausas para almoço aos seus empregados.
Já conhecia o caso no Estados Unidos, esta empresa é o capitalismo na sua pior face. Gosto de liberalismo mas não o selvagem, mas com regras, e direitos para todos(tipo Holanda).
Só é pena que quem tem essas maravilhosas ideias raramente sofre consequências, quem paga sempre é a "empresa", mas os ideólogos continuam a sua vida impunemente...
A Colômbia, outra vez; desgraçado povo....:
The Pain and Power of Memory
by James McEnteer / September 12th, 2008
CALI, COLOMBIA — It looks like just another store front in this burgeoning city of two and a half million people in southwestern Colombia. But the Memory Gallery retails raw remembrance. A sign at the entrance advises visitors: “A people’s knowledge of the history of their oppression and their resistance forms a part of their patrimony.”
Photographs of men, women and children search out your eyes from the gallery walls. They are all victims of the state, murdered by the Colombian armed forces or by “paramilitary” forces acting on behalf of the government or the trans-national corporations who call the tune in this troubled country. Each face represents many more victims of assassinations or forced disappearances in recent years, whose names are lost to memory and whose bodies have never been recovered.
“It is better to die for something than to live for nothing,” in the words of Eduardo Umana Mendoza, whose smiling face beams down from his memorial plaque. He was a human rights lawyer murdered in his forties. Most of the victims represented in the Memory Gallery died for expressing their opinions or for trying to organize against repression. Some were killed as a warning to others. Some were simply guilty of being in the wrong place at the wrong time.
After eight years of planning and research, the Memory Gallery opened in Cali in 2007. One of the organizers, Freddi Caicedo, said it is hard for human rights activists and families of victims to find spaces to remember them. Landlords and rental agents don’t want to rent their buildings for such a purpose. They are afraid. Project organizers also travel to universities and street locations with photographs, encouraging others to share their own stories, to remember their own dead. “Without remembering, the crimes will continue,” said Caicedo.
But with or without remembering, the crimes continue.
Between 1982 and 2005 paramilitary forces perpetrated more than 3,500 massacres and stole more than six million hectares of land (a hectare equals two-and-a-half acres) in Colombia, according to Memory Gallery statistics. Colombia now contains more than four million displaced persons or internal exiles. Who was robbed? Mostly poor farmers and indigenous groups, growing food for their own use. Who took over the land? Large corporations, running high-profit mono-crop agribusiness.
Though supposedly demobilized in 2002, paramilitary forces are still blamed for about six hundred murders a year. About a third of the national legislature is estimated to be under their control. Also since 2002, the National Armed Forces have committed more than 950 executions. In January 2008 alone, paramilitaries committed two massacres, murdered eight people and “disappeared” nine others, while the Army executed sixteen people without benefit of any judicial process. At least twenty union leaders have been murdered so far this year.
The U.S. government enables the violence, repression and dispossession that constitute Colombia’s “permanent crisis.” In the name of fighting leftist guerillas and the war on drugs, the U.S. government-funded Plan Colombia supplies the Colombian armed forces with sophisticated weaponry and military training.
U.S. support funds few social programs or schools. Eighty percent of the Colombian gross national product goes to war. Paramilitary forces do not fight narcotics traffickers, but poor farmers. Coca eradication campaigns poison huge tracts of land on which small farmers grow subsistence crops. The pseudo drug war despoils the land, forcing small famers to migrate to cities, freeing up that land for corporate control. Meanwhile illicit drug production and export continues unabated.
Colombian activists have condemned more than thirty prominent multi-national corporations for employing paramilitaries to harass and murder workers, farmers, union leaders and student protestors. The list of these human rights abusers contains some familiar names: Coca Cola, Chiquita Brands, Del Monte, Nestle, Occidental Petroleum and others. How can these companies — and the U.S. government — literally get away with murder? U.S. media parrot the Bush administration line that Colombia (and the trans-national corporations) are fighting for freedom.
Who will tell the people that the opposite is true? Your U.S. tax dollars support kidnapping, torture and murder on a massive scale in Colombia. Eight years ago there were 70,000 soldiers in all the Colombian armed forces combined. Now the police and military number 450,000, made up partly of dispossessed impoverished job-seekers. As the U.S. outsources war to Halliburton and Blackwater, Colombia does the same with paramilitaries. In many ways Colombia seems merely a less inhibited, because less scrutinized, version of Bush America.
On a quickie visit in July — miraculously coinciding with the high-profile release of Ingrid Betancourt and other FARC hostages — John McCain declared his support for Colombian President Alvaro Uribe, despite Uribe’s scandalous human rights record, his phony, ineffectual “war” on drugs and his attempt to subvert the country’s judicial branch. No reporter challenged McCain or Uribe about any of it.
Information is just one more important resource the authorities want to control. Colombia’s prodigal natural wealth has proved to be its curse, from the days of El Dorado, the fabled lost city of gold, which drove the invading Spaniards into a frenzy of exploitation, enslavement and genocide of native peoples.
With U.S. backing, on behalf of the multi-national corporations, including major narco-traffickers, the Colombian government continues the rapacious tradition of seizing lands and water sources which once benefitted many, in order to enrich its own patrons, the mighty few. Formerly a major sugar exporter, Colombia must now import sugar for its domestic use. The huge tracts of sugar cane here are grown now for use as bio-fuels, a more lucrative, if less nourishing enterprise.
A couple hours’ drive outside the city of Cali, the picturesque town of Trujillo lies in a verdant valley, its church steeple pointing heavenward. But Trujillo’s bucolic façade masks a hidden horror. Over the course of eight years, the twenty thousand residents of this town suffered a slow-motion massacre, the tortures, disappearances and murders of 342 people. Major drug traffickers in the region allied with the Army and Police to get rid of anyone they wished, with no fear of prosecution.
At the town’s own memory gallery, a sign declares: “Trujillo, a drop of hope in a sea of impunity.” Here too the faces of the murdered victims — many very young — beckon us and implicate us in their unfair destinies. Several widows, one of whom also lost two sons, fourteen and sixteen, came out to see the American visitors. Still emotional about their losses, they were eager — almost desperate — to share their stories.
The people of Trujillo have begun an ambitious memorial project. When the Colombian government offered to pay reparations to the town, the families of the victims bought a large tract of land, an entire hillside, to build a memorial. Our guide was a twenty-two year old woman whose father was disappeared when she was four. At the time her pregnant mother also had a three-year-old and an eleven-month-old. Her father was twenty-six when he was taken, along with his two brothers, partners in a carpentry business. Why were they tortured and killed? Perhaps they saw something they shouldn’t have. Perhaps they complained too loudly.
The Trujillo memorial wall winds up a hill beside a stone path, with names and dates of death or disappearances. Children were busy on the day of our visit, scraping and whitewashing the walls. Many of the murdered were young: 17, 39, 26…. Villagers who marched to demand a better road and a health clinic were labeled agitators and murdered. One old man, the town character, was ordered killed by troops to prove their loyalty to their commanders. Nine people are included in the memorial who died of broken hearts, after the torture and murder of their children.
Trujillo’s priest, Father Tiberio Fernandez Mafla, organized worker co-ops to help his parishioners make more money. When the disappearances began, Father Tiberio denounced the kidnappings from the pulpit and demanded the safe return of the victims. Returning from a funeral, he too was detained and disappeared, along with his niece. His decapitated body, missing hands and feet and genitals, was found in the river. Cali’s Memory Gallery is named in his honor.
A fellow visitor to Trujillo, Tom Clements, said he hoped the next U.S. president would tell Alvaro Uribe that Plan Colombia will not survive, nor will any Free Trade Agreement be signed, until genuine reparations are made to the victims of state-protected terror in Colombia, including the end of impunity for the known perpetrators, starting in Trujillo. Tom’s idea is morally sound, but unlikely to happen.
The suffering, the courage and the determination of the Colombian people, in Trujillo and Cali and many other places, is inspirational and heartbreaking. A Memory Gallery sign says: “Neither forgiving nor forgetting, we seek truth, justice and fundamental healing.” The United States government and leading U.S. corporations, too long complicit in the spread of terror and injustice in Colombia, should spearhead the drive for that truth, justice and healing. They/you/we can’t claim they don’t know.
James McEnteer is the author of Shooting the Truth: the Rise of American Political Documentaries (Praeger 2006). He lives in Cochabamba, Bolivia. Read other articles by James.