O que é que o meu caro User propoe?

Que venha governar o Bloco de Esquerda (acho que a queda do muro de Berlim mostrou o fracasso dessas ideologias) ou que se vote na extrema direita (a História exemplifica o que aconteceu na Alemanha antes e durante Hitler)? Talvez a anarquia ...? Que lhe parece???? A mesma questão coloco a outros Users como o Sr. Agreste.
Sobre a queda do muro de Berlim recomendo-lhe a leitura da história, nomeadamente sobre a tão famosa Treuhandanstalt (Comissão das privatizações para o desmantelamento da ex-RDA) e o escândalo de corrupção que atingiu anos mais tarde o tão amado Helmut Kohl que é do Partido da Merkel. Fica aqui o resumo mas sublinho-lhe alguns nomes para vá investigar e saber de onde apareceram e o que fazem actualmente...
«What lies behind the German Christian Democrats' financial scandal?
Ulrich Rippert, 30 December 1999
Hardly a day passes without new headlines appearing about the financial machinations of the former German Chancellor and long-serving Christian Democratic Union (CDU) Chairman
Helmut Kohl. The man who was, until recently, celebrated as one of the greatest European statesmen and “Chancellor of German unity” has now become the focal point of fierce criticism.
"We learn something new each day," Senior Public Prosecutor Bernd König told the press in Bonn, saying he did not exclude the possibility of a preliminary criminal investigation against the ex-chancellor. König said there were "initial suspicions of embezzlement,” and added that “fraud, and possibly money laundering come into consideration".
Kohl has admitted accepting illicit contributions to the CDU's party finances, but has refused to reveal the sources of these donations.
In the Bundestag (federal parliament) a committee of inquiry was set up in order to investigate the CDU's financial schemes. Committee chairman Volker Neumann (Social Democrats—SPD) spoke of the consequences should Kohl refuse to testify. He made clear that the committee could not only impose a fine, but could also impose coercive detention for witnesses who failed to prove they had legal grounds for refusing to make a statement.
Facts and accusations
The process was set in motion by the Public Prosecutor's office in Augsburg. Four years ago they investigated a large arms deal with Saudi Arabia and uncovered the fact that several hundred million marks in bribes had flowed into dubious channels. Investigators now allege that at least 1 million marks landed in the accounts of the CDU.
Descriptions of the transactions read like a seedy crime novel. In the parking lot of a Swiss supermarket close to the German border in the summer of 1991, the weapons dealer
Karlheinz Schreiber handed over a suitcase stuffed with cash—1 million in thousand mark bank notes—to the then-CDU treasurer
Walther Leisler Kiep and Kohl's confidante
Horst Weyrauch.
At first, questions were asked only about the taxes due on these funds. But very quickly the far more explosive question emerged concerning the political services demanded from the CDU (at that time the governing party) in return for these payments. Moreover, at that time any shipment of arms to areas of tension required agreement by the federal security committee.
Kohl called a press conference at the end of November to rebuff accusations of corruption on the part of his government. He admitted that, as CDU chairman, he controlled various illicit accounts, from which, at his own discretion, individual party representatives and bodies could receive large sums of money, bypassing current laws and avoiding scrutiny by responsible committees.
Kohl said he regretted any possible violations of laws dealing with the conduct of political parties and the lack of transparency and control over these transactions, for which he took personal and political responsibility. He denied that the payments had ever influenced his government's political decisions.
Instead of defusing the scandal, Kohl's admissions exacerbated the controversy. Kohl's system of conspiratorial bookkeeping came under increased scrutiny. Press reports pointed to several private accounts in Switzerland, Liechtenstein and Luxembourg.
Some million-mark donations apparently took a tortuous route via other accounts in Germany and abroad, having been deposited temporarily in diverse funds, some of which carried names such as "stand-by", "noble place" or "reptile funds". These circuitous transactions were apparently intended to launder the funds and cover up any connection between the donors and the government.
The more Kohl expressed outrage at accusations that his government could be bought, the more intensively the newspapers pursued the investigation. New details and surprising connections were uncovered. In its Christmas edition, the weekly der Spiegel reported on "two cases, one pattern", revealing striking parallels not only between the bank accounts used, but also the mediators employed in the sale of tanks to the Saudis and the sale of the East German Leuna refinery, including the lucrative Minol petrol station chain, to the French oil company Elf Aquitaine.
Some time ago, French and Swiss examining magistrates had already uncovered the fact that the sale of the Leuna refinery and Minol petrol stations was accompanied by bribes and the payment of dubious commissions of at least 100 million marks. Rumours that a part of the cash had found its way into the CDU's coffers had circulated for a long time. Now they were carefully examined.
Half of the 100 million marks was said to have been temporarily deposited in the Luxembourg account of a Liechtenstein company Delta International. This firm was directed by
Dieter Holzer, a close acquaintance of Walther Leisler Kiep, a former CDU treasurer. Beginning in the summer of 1992, Holzer became active in the affairs of the French company and was seen several times at the German Chancellery.
Another friend of Holzer cannot be found at present: the former state secretary for defence and ex-head of the secret service,
Holger Pfahl. An international warrant for Pfahl's arrest has been issued in connection with the Saudi tank affair. Underscoring the close links between Holzer and Pfahl, der Spiegel has reported that some of Holzer's letters bear Pfahl's private Bonn fax number.
In the middle of December, French businessman
André Guelfi spoke out, claiming that 85 million marks had been paid out “as commission” to a “German party” via his company in Lausanne on behalf of Elf Aquitaine. The 80-year-old Guelfi said through his lawyer that he was ready to testify before the Bonn committee of inquiry if he were assured "safe conduct" and promised a "magnificent spectacle”.
A further financial affair under investigation occurred one-and-a-half years ago. At that time the CDU received the largest private donation on record, valued at 2.4 million marks in cheques, plus an interest-free loan of 2.5 million marks. Some newspapers speak of a 6 million mark donation, paid by Hamburg real estate dealer
Karl Ehlerding.
In June 1998 the government sold 112,000 apartments belonging to the state-owned railway company to a consortium of firms under the direction of Ehlerding's real estate firm, WCM. Ehlerding's firm won out despite the fact that a Japanese company had made an offer worth around a billion marks more, raising suspicions of a corrupt connection between Ehlerding's donation to the CDU and his firm's lucrative real estate deal with Kohl's government.
In a television interview, Kohl justified the decision to grant the contract to Ehlerding by pointing out that housing privatisations were "always very complicated". He further asserted that, from the standpoint of the tenants' interests, selling the apartments to the Japanese would have been impossible. In the same interview, Kohl admitted receiving up to 2 million marks in cash from anonymous donors between 1993 and 1998, which were not listed as donations as prescribed by law. These funds were said to have subsequently found their way into the official finances of the party.
The next day, the CDU head office contradicted this claim, saying the 2 million cited by Kohl had not been registered at the party treasurer's office. To dispel suspicions of corruption, CDU General Secretary
Angela Merkel requested that Kohl, the party's honorary chairman, reveal the names of the donors, but Kohl has so far refused, saying he gave his word of honour to the donors not to name them.
Connections
The finance scandal has unleashed a profound political crisis that is assuming ever-broader dimensions. In the past few days, Chancellor
Gerhard Schröder and Bundestag President
Wolfgang Thierse (both SPD) have warned of the dangers for the political system as a whole. Both politicians declared to the media that the impression that leading politicians could be bought would reinforce already widespread political apathy.
They fear the disclosure of the real political relations that exist behind the facade of democratic institutions and official phrases about the “people as the commanding sovereign force in politics” and people's representatives “responsible only to their consciences”.
The illicit accounts and financial manipulations of the CDU throw existing political relations into sharp relief. One can clearly see how the chancellor who for 16 years steered the ship of state accepted sums of money from industry and business in the chancellor's office and cut various deals, and how he used these illicit accounts to finance his political dealings and secure his parliamentary majority. Meanwhile, Kohl's replacement as leader of the CDU,
Wolfgang Schäuble, a man who for 20 years was active in the party centre, declares he had no idea of what was going on.
It is not often that the daily corruption that pervades bourgeois politics becomes so evident, and the saying “money makes the world go round” takes on such a tangible form. The social democrats want to draw a veil over the whole business as soon as possible. The parliamentary commission of inquiry they have set up is primarily aimed at damage control and cover-up. That is why it is headed by someone with limited legal experience.
Kohl has already indicated that the SPD also voted for the sale of the railway company housing to Karl Ehlerding's company, knowing full well that the Japanese firm had tended a considerably higher bid. Did a donation from Ehlerding also go to SPD headquarters?»
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Treuhand
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1999_CDU_contributions_scandal